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F.S.A.    LOND.   AND   NEWC. 



The  Rebellion  in  Lincolnshire  was  one  of  the  occurrences  of  that 
troubled  period  of  the  reign  of  Edward  the  Fourth,  when  he  was 
struggling  with  the  machinations  of  his  overgrown  subject,  Richard 
Neville,  earl  of  Warwick,  through  which  he  was  at  length  com- 
pelled to  leave  his  kingdom,  and  seek  personal  safety  in  flight.  He 
had  already  suffered  a  period  of  unkingly  restraint,  from  the  time 
he  was  seized  by  the  archbishop  of  York  at  Honiley,  near  War- 
wick,* until  his  escape  from  the  castle  of  Middleham  ;  and  he  had 
also  already  been  troubled  with  the  insurrection  of  the  Yorkshire- 
men,  who  had  defeated  his  army  under  the  earl  of  Pembroke  near 
Banbury,  and  beheaded  his  father-in-law  and  brother-in-law,  earl 
Rivers  and  sir  John  Wydville.  For  these  matters  he  had  granted 
a  pardon,  with  the  mention  of  which  the  present  narrative  com- 

That  weak  and  worthless  prince,  George  duke  of  Clarence,  the 
king's  next  brother,  had  virtually  deserted  his  allegiance  on  accept- 
ing the  hand  of  Warwick's  elder  daughter  and  coheir ;  and  it  was 
now  the  project  of  the  King-maker  to  depose  Edward,  and  place 
the  duke  of  Clarence  on  the  throne.  This  intention  was  first  made 
apparent  by  the  disclosures  which  ensued  upon  the  suppression  of 
the  Lincolnshire  rebellion,  as  related  in  the  following  pages. 

*  N6t  Olney,  as  in  the  notes  to  Warkworth^s  Chronicle,  p.  46.     See  the  Gentleman *s 
Magazine  for  Dec.  1839,  vol.  XII.  p.  616. 


The  immediate  consequence  of  king  Edward's  victory  near 
Stamford  was  the  flight  of  the  duke  and  earl  to  France,  where  they 
concluded  a  treaty*  with  the  queen  of  Henry  VI.,  and  married  the 
lady  Anne  Neville,  Warwick's  younger  daughter,  to  her  son 
Edward  prince  of  Wales  :  the  duke  of  Clarence  thereupon  post- 
poning his  claim  to  the  crown  to  that  of  the  house  of  Lancaster. 
On  their  return  to  England,  fortified  by  this  alliance,  the  king  was 
in  his  turn  forced  to  leave  the  realm,  and  take  refuge  with  his 
brother  of  Burgundy  ;  and  the  temporary  restoration  of  king 
Henry  the  Sixth  ensued.  King  Edward's  return,  and  almost 
magical  recovery  of  the  crown,  forms  the  subject  of  the  first  publi- 
cation produced  by  the  Camden  Society. 

The  present  Chronicle,  extending  only  over  the  brief  space  of  a 
few  weeks,  will  not  require  further  illustration,  beyond  what  a  few 
notes  will  supply.  Any  contribution  to  so  obscure  a  portion  of 
English  history  cannot  fail  to  be  welcome ;  and  the  present  is  of 
importance,  not  only  because  it  relates  circumstances  not  elsewhere 
recorded,  but  also  because  it  evidently  proceeded  from  one  who 
wrote  under  the  immediate  influence  of  the  royal  authority,  and 
had  consequently  the  best  means  of  information  :  appealing,  in- 
deed, to  documents  throughout  his  narrative.  It  has  been  pre- 
served in  one  of  the  volumes  of  the  College  of  Arms  (Vincent^ 
No.  435),  and  for  its  communication  the  Society  is  indebted 
to  William  Courthope,  Esq.  Rouge  Croix  Pursuivant. 

*  On  this  portion  of  the  history  of  the  period,  see  "  The  manner  and  guiding  of  the  Earl 
of  Warwick  at  Angiers,"  published  by  Sir  Henry  Ellis  in  his  Original  Letters,  Second 
Series,  vol.  I.  p.  132. 




A  Remembrance  of  suche  acte}  and  dedc}  as  oure  souveraigne 
lorde  the  king  hadde  doon  in  his  journey  begonne  at  London 

the  vi.  day  of  Marche  in  the  x.  yere  of  his  moost 

reigne,  for  the  repression  and  seting  down  of  the  rebellyon 
and  insurreccion  of  his  subgettes  in  the  shire  of  Linccolne, 
commeaved  by  the  subtile  and  fals  conspiracie  of  his  grete 
rebellc3  George  due  of  Clarence,  Richarde  erle  of  Warrewike, 
and  othere,  &c. 

(Vincent,  No.  435,  art.  IX.  in  Coll.  Ann.) 

First,  how  be  it  that  our  saide  souveraigne  lorde,  as  a  prince 
enclined  to  shew  his  mercy  and  pite  to  his  subgettes,  raither  then 
rigure  and  straitenesse  of  his  lawe},  pardonned  of  late  to  his  saide 
rebelles  all  tresons  and  felone},  trespasse}  and  offence}  committed 
and  doon  by  theym  ayeinst  his  highenese  afore  the  fest  of  Crist- 
enraes  last  past,  (1)  trusting  that  therby  he  shuld  have  coraged, 
caused,  and  induced  theym  from  that  tyme  furthe  to  have  been  of 
good,  kynd,  and  lovyng  demeanyng  ayeinst  his  highenesse ;  yit  they 
unnaturally  and  unkyndly,  withoute  cause  dr  occacion  yeven  to 
theym  by  our  saide  soveraigne  lorde,  falsly  compassed,  conspired, 
and  ymagened  the  final  destruccion  of  his  most  roiall  personne, 
and  of  his  true  subgettes  taking  parte  with  him  in  assisting  his 
highnesse,  in  so  moche  as  whan  he  was  coromen  unto  Waltham  the 


vj.  day  of  Marche,  on  the  morue  after,  the  vij.  day  of  Marche, 
there  was  brought  unto  him  worde  that  Robert  Welle},  calling 
hym  self  grete  eapteyn  of  the  comons  of  Linccolne  shire,  (2)  had  doo 
made  proclamacions  in  all  the  churche}  of  that  shire  the  sonday  the 
iiij.  daye  of  Marche  in  the  kinges  name,  the  due,  erle,  and  his 
owne  name,  every«  man  to  come  to  Ranby  hawe  (3)  upon  the  tuesday 
the  vj.  day  of  Marche,  upon  payne  of  dethe,  to  resist  the  king  in 
comyng  down  into  the  saide  shire,  saying  that  his  comyng  thidre 
was  to  destroie  the  comons  of  the  same  shire,  as  apperethe  by 
the  copie  of  the  same.  And  theruppon,  the  vij.  daye  of  Marche, 
the  king  sent  to  London  for  the  late  lorde  Welles,  (4)  sir  Thomas 
Dymmoke,  (5)  and  othere,  whiche  were  come  thidre  by  the  kinges 
prive  scale}  (6). 

Upon  the  thursday  the  viij.  day  of  Marche,  the  king,  ryding 
betwixt  Bu[n]ttyngforde  and  Roiston,  toke  in  the  way  a  childe 
whiche  was  sent  from  John  Morling,  steward  to  the  lorde  Crome- 
well(7).  Wherby  appered  clerely  the  gadering  of  the  saide  comons, 
and  parte  of  theire  entente},  whiche  letres  purportith  that  by  the 
tyme  thay  came  to  Stoneford  thare  shulde  be  of  theym  and  of 
Yorkeshyr  and  other  cuntrees  that  wolde  falle  to  thaym  C.  m^  men. 
And  the  same  lettre  was  written  at  Tottersale,  (8)  the  vj.  day  of 
Marche,  and  is  redy  to  be  shewed. 

The  same  thursday  the  king  come  to  Roston,  whyther  come 
to  hym  a  servaunt  of  the  due  of  Clarence  with  a  letter  lattyng 
hys  highnes  wyt  that,  notwithstonding  that  he  had  taken  hys 
ly  ve  ^  of  hym  at  London,  to  have  goone  westward,  yit,  for  to  doo 
hym  service  in  this  his  journey,  he  wolde  arredye  hym  self  to  com 
towardes  his  highenes  at  suche  tyme  and  place  appointed  as  therle 
of  Warrewike  shulde  also  come,  as  he  hadde  promysed  the  king  at 
London.  Wherunto  the  king  then  answered,  that  he  was  glad,  and 
wrote  hym  a  letre  of  thanke  of  hys  own  hande  ;  whiche  message 
so  sent  by  the  due  was  fals  dissimulacion,  as  by  the  warkej 
aftre  it  appered.  Nevertheles  the  king,  not  undrestanding  no  suche 

»  leave. 


doublenesse,  but  trusting  that  they  ment  truly  as  thay  shewed, 
sent  unto  the  saide  due  and  erle  incontinent  his  severall  comis- 
sions  (9)  for  to  arreise  the  people  in  diverse  shires,  and  to  bring 
theym  unto  the  king  to  doo  hym  service  ayeinst  his  rebelles.  And 
soo  on  the  friday  the  ix.  day  of  Marche  the  king  com  to  Hunt- 

The  kyng  being  at  Huntyngdoon  did  the  saide  lorde  Welle}  to 
be  examined,  and  sir  Thomas  Dymmoke  and  other  severally,  in 
whiche  examinacion  it  was  knowleged  that  in  the  lorde  Welle}  alle 
suche  counceille}  and  conspiracions  were  taken  and  made  betwixt 
his  son,  the  saide  sir  Thomas  Dynmoke,  the  commons,  and  othere ; 
and  that  he  and  the  saide  sir  Thomas  Bynmoke  were  prive  and 
knowing  of  there  communicacions,  and  thay  might  have  lett  it  and 
did  not,  but  verray  provocars  and  causers  of  the  same,  with  othere 
circumstance}  touching  it.  Wheruppon  the  king  yave  hym  an 
inunccion  that  he  shulde  send  to  his  sonne,  commaunding  him  to 
leve  hys  felaship,  and  humbly  submitte  hym,  or  elles  thay  for  theire 
seide  treasons  shulde  have  dethe,  as  they  had  deserved.  The  king 
thernne*  being,  com  eftsone}  tydinge}  that  the  saide  Robert  Welle} 
and  commouns  were  in  grete  nowmbre,  and  passed  Linccolne 
towardes  Grantham. 

Upon  the  sonday  the  vj.  day  of  Marche,  the  king  com  to 
Fodrynghay,  (10)  where  he  had  newe  knowlege  that  his  rebelles 
were  passed  Grantham  towardes  hym,  but  sum  what  thay  beganne  to 
chaunge  thaire  way  towards  Leycestre;  which,  as  it  was  aftre 
clerely  confessed,  was  doon  by  the  stirring  and  message  sent  from 
the  due  of  Clarence  and  erle  of  Warrewike  unto  the  saide  late 
sir  Robert  Welle}  and  other  pety  captayne},  desiring  thaym  to 
have  [been]  by  the  monday  at  Leycestre,  where  thay  promised  to 
have  joyned  with  theym  with  xx.  m^  men,  as  it  appered  aftre  in 
effect  and  by  severall  confessions  (11)  of  the  saide  captayne}. 

Where  it  appereth  clerely  that  by  all  this  tyme  the  saide  due 
and  erle  dissimiled  falsly  with  the  king,  for  there,^  or  he  went  to 

•  So  the  MS.  ••  So  the  MS,:  read  the  earl. 


London,  promysed  that  he  woolde  have  comen  to  the  king  in 
resistence  of  the  saide  rebelles ;  uppon  trust  wherof  the  king  by 
his  knowlage  and  assent  appoynted  his  gyste},^  and  the  nombre 
of  the  people  that  he  wolde  com  withe  [to]  the  king.  Also  upon  the 
same  trust  aftre  sent  to  the  saide  due  and  hym  his  commissions  to 
arrise  and  bring  with  hym  the  people  of  certein  shire}  to  doo  hym 
service.  Also  the  saide  due  dissimiled  right  untruly  with  the 
king,  for  als  soon  as  the  lord  Welle}  was  comen  to  London  to 
the  king  he  come  also  thidre,  undre  coloure  that  he  wolde  have 
toke  his  leve  to  have  goon  westward,  whedre  he  had  sent  his 
wyfe.  And  certeinly  he  entended  principally  always  to  hym 
possible  to  have  delaied  the  kinges  comyng  forth,  sendyng  worde 
to  the  saide  sir  Robert  Welle}  that  he  so  wold  doo  ;  desiryng 
hym  not  to  be  ferre,  but  to  com  forwardes  ;  the  whiche  porpose 
if  he  had  brought  aboute,  without  eny  faile  the  king,  by  all 
literaly^  presumpcion,  had  be  distressed  and  alle  his  felaship,  as 
clerely  may  appere  by  the  warkes  aftre. 

That  the  due  thus  dissimiled  it  shewethe ;  for  on  the  morowe 
aftre  the  king  departed  owte  of  London  the  said  due,  the  lorde 
Welle},  the  prioure  of  Saint  Johanne},  (12)  and  othere  divers  per- 
sons, kept  theire  counseill  secretly  at  Saynt  Johanne},  (13)  and 
forthwith  he  departed  towards  Warrewike,  contrary  to  his  saying 
afore  to  the  king ;  and  upon  the  way  sent  the  king  a  plesaunt 
letre  as  above,  whiche  letre  his  highenesse  receyved  at  Roiston, 
where  he  wrote  ayein,  thanking  and  trusting  verely  he  wolde  so 
have  doon  ;  and  soo  diverse  other  tyme}  thay  bothe  sent  to  the 
king  suche  plesaunt  mesage},  ever  wenyng  the  king  thare  writting 
and  message}  had  been  feithefulle  and  true,  to  the  xiiij.  day  of 
Marche,  whiche  day  the  king  came  to  Granthame ;  whiche  alle 
notwithstonding,  falsly  and  subtylly  dissimiled  with  his  highe- 
nes ;  for  undre  this  they  sent  theire  messages  daily  to  the  kinges 
rebelles,  bidding  thayme  to  be  of  good  chere  and  comforthe,  and 
hold  forthe  theire  way  towardes  Leycestre,  where  they  promised  to 

•  The  stages  of  his  march.  »>  So  the  MS.  qu.  likely. 


have  joined  with  theym  and  utterly  to  have  taken  theire  parte, 
wherby  theire  unnaturelle  and  fals  double  treason  apperethe. 

And  if  God  ne  had  put  in  the  kinges  mynde  at  Huntyngdon  to 
put  the  lorde  Wellc}  in  certeynte  of  his  dethe  for  his  fals  conspi- 
racions  and  concelementes  as  is  afore  shewed, onlasse  then  his  sonne 
wolde  have  left  his  felliship,  and  submutted  as  above,  and  ther- 
uppon  a  message  sent  to  the  saide  sir  Robert  from  his  fadre,  they 
had  be  certeynly  joyned  with  the  saide  due  and  erle  ar  the  king 
might  have  had  to  doo  with  theym ;  but  as  God  of  his  grace  pro- 
vided for  the  kinges  wele,  the  same  late  sir  Robert  Welles  being 
onwardes  on  his  way  towards  Leycestre,  undrestonding  his  fadre 
life  to  be  in  joperdie,  by  a  message  brought  hym  from  his  fadre, 
knowing  also  that  the  king  was  that  Sunday  at  nyght  at  Fodring- 
hay,  and  demyng  that  he  wolde  not  have  passed  Stanford  the  same 
monday,  not  entending  to  make  eny  submission  ne  beyng  in  his 
felaship,  but  disposing  him  to  make  his  parte  good  ayeinst  the  king, 
and  traytourly  to  levie  where  «  ayeinst  his  highnes,  arredied  hym 
and  his  felaship  that  day  to  have  sett  uppon  the  king  in  Staunford 
the  monday  nyght,  and  so  to  have  destrest  hym  and  his  oost, 
and  so  rescued  his  fadre  lyf ;  and  for  that  entent  turned  with  his 
hoole  oost  oute  of  Leicestre  wey  and  toke  his  wey  towardes  Stan- 
ford upon  that  same  pourpose. 

The  king,  not  undrestonding  thee}  fals  dissimilacions,  but,  of 
his  most  noble  and  rightwise  courage,  with  alle  spede  pourposing  to 
goo  upon  his  saide  rebelles,  eerly  on  the  monday  afore  day  drew 
hym  to  felde  ^  and  addressed  hym  towardes  Stanford  ;  and  at 
his  thidre  comyng  sett  furthe  his  foward  towardes  his  saide 
rebellion,  and  bayted  hym  self  and  his  felaship  in  the  town, 
whethere  com  eftsons  a  message  from  the  saide  due  and  erle  by  a 
prest  called  sir  Richard  ,  and  Thomas  Woodhille,  which 

brought  letres  from  theym,  certefying  the  king  that  thay  were 
comyng  towardes  him  in  aide  ayeinst  his  rebelles,  and  that  nyght 
thay  were  at  Coventrie,  and  on  the  monday  nyght  they  wolde 

*  war.  •*  To  the  field  ;  i,  e.  to  the  march  onward. 



be  at  Leycestre ;  wherof  the  king  delivered  theym  with  letres  of 
thankes  of  his  own  hand^  and  incontinent  toke  the  felde,  where  he 
undrestoode  the  saide  sir  Robert  Welles  to  be  in  arme}  with 
baniers  displaied  ayeinst  hym,  disposed  to  fight ;  thought  it  nott 
according  with  his  honoure  ne  surtied*  that  he  shulde  jeoparde  his 
most  roialle  person  upon  the  same  to  leve  the  fadre  and  the  saide 
sir  Thomas  Dymmoke  of  live  that  suche  treason  had  conspired 
and  wrought,  as  soo  it  was  thought  to  alle  the  lordes,  noblemen  and 
othere  that  tyme  being  in  his  oost ;  wherfore  his  highnesse  in  the 
felde  undre  his  banere  displaied  comaunded  the  said  lorde  Welles 
and  sir  Thomas  Dymmoke  to  be  executed;  and  soo  furthwith 
preceding  ayeinst  his  saide  rebelles^by  the  helpe  of  alle  mighty  God, 
acheved  the  victorie  (14)  and  distressed  mo  then  xxx.  m^.  men, 
usyng  therewithe  plentyvoufly  his  mercy  in  saving  of  the  live3  of 
his  poure  and  wreched  commons  (15). 

Where  it  is  soo  to  be  remembred  that,  at  suche  tyme  as  the  ba- 
taile3  were  towardes  joynyng,  the  kyng  with  [his]  oost  seting  uppon 
[the  rebels] ,  and  they  avaunsyng  theymself,  theire  crye  was,  A  Cla- 
rerwe  !  a  Clarence !  a  Warrewike !  that  tyme  beyng  in  the  feelde 
divers  persor^  in  the  due  of  Clarence  livery,  and  especially  sir 
Robert  Welle}  hymself,  and  a  man  of  the  duke}  own,  that  aftre 
was  slayne  in  the  chase,  and  his  casket  taken,  wherinne  were 
founden  many  mervelous  billc},  conteining  matter  of  the  grete 
■seduccion,  and  the  verrey  subversion  of  the  king  and  the  common 
wele  of  alle  this  lande,  with  the  most  abhominable  treason  that 
ever  were  seen  or  attempted  withinne  the  same,  as  thay  be  redy  to 
be  shewed  ;  and  in  the  same  chase  was  taken  the  late  sir  Thomas 
Delalande  (16').  This  victorie  thus  hadde,  the  king  returned  to  Stan- 
forde  late  in  the  nyght,  yeving  laude  and  praising  to  almighty  God. 

Uppon  the  tewsday  the  xiij.  day  of  Marche,  the  king,  yit  no 
thing  mystrusting  the  saide  due  and  erle,  sent  from  Stanford  to- 
warde  theym  John  Down,  oon  of  the  swiers  for  his  body,  (17)  with  ij. 
letres  of  his  own  hand,  signefyeing  unto  theym  the  victorye  that 

"  So  the  MS.   q.  suretyhood. 


God  hadde  sent  hym,  and  desired  theym  to  com  towarde  hym 
with  convenient  nowmbre  for  thaire  astates,  commaunding  theym 
to  departea  the  people  of  the  shire}  (18)  that  were  arraysed  by 
thaymeby  virtue  of  his  commyssion,  for  hym  semed  full  necessarye 
to  sett  good  direccions  in  Linccolne  shire,  for  he  was  thereinne, 
wherinne  the  advises  were  to  hym  right  behovfulle,  the  king 
supposing  verily  that  thay  had  been  that  monday  nyght  at  Ley- 
cestre,  as  they  afore  soo  had  written  to  his  highnes  that  thay 
wolde  have  been.  And  it  is  to  deme  soo  they  shulde  have  been, 
or  at  the  leest  upon  tewsday,  ne  had  be  the  kinges  victorie  on  the 
monday,  and  that  thay  had  no  suche  nowmbre  of  people  as  thay 
loked  aftre,  whiche  caused  theym  to  staker  and  to  tary  stille  at 
Coventre,  where  the  saide  John  Down  founde  theym.  It  is  also 
to  undrestand  that  ne  had  be  the  turnyng  backe  of  the  seide  late 
Robert  Welles  with  his  oost  towards  Stanforde,  for  his  fadre} 
reskue,  the  king  couthe  not  by  hklyhode  halve  hadde  at  doo  with 
theyme  the  monday,  ne  of  liklyhode  til  thay  hadd  be  joyned  with 
the  saide  due  and  erle,  as  afore  written. 

Uppon  the  wednisday  and  thursday  the  xiiij.  (19)  and  xv.  day 
of  Marche,  the  king  being  at  Grantham,  were  taken  and  brought 
thidre  unto  hym  alle  the  captayne}  in  substance,  as  the  saide  late 
sir  Robert  Welles,  Richarde  Warine,  and  othere,  severally  exa- 
myned  of  there  free  wille}  uncompelled,  not  for  fere  of  dethe  ne 
otherwyse  stirred,  knowleged  and  confessed  the  saide  due  and  erle 
to  be  partiners  and  chef  provocars  of  all  theire  treasons.  And  this 
plainely,  theire  porpos  was  to  distroie  the  king,  and  to  have  made 
the  saide  due  king,  as  they,  at  the  tyme  that  thei  shulde  take  theire 
dethes,  openly  byfore  the  multitude  of  the  kinges  oost  afFermed  to 
be  true. 

And  what  tyme  the  saide  John  Down  had  delivered  the  kinges 
letres  to  theim^  at  Coventre,  thay  saide  and  promysed  to  hym 
playnely  thay  wolde  in  alle  haste  com  towardes  the  king,  leving  theire 
fotemen,  with  a  m^  or  at  the  most  x\^  men  ;  whiche  notwithstond- 

•  i.  e.  disband.  •>  Clarence  and  Warwick. 


ingjthe  said  John  Down  being  present,  they  departed,  with  alle  theire 
fellaship,  towardes  Burton-uppon-Trent ;  and  when  the  saide  John 
Down  remembred  theym  that  hym  semed  they  toke  not  the  right 
way  towardes  the  king,  theire  aunswere  was,  that  they  toke  that 
way  for  certein  fotemen  were  byfore  theym,  with  whom  they  wolde 
speke,  and  curtesly  departed  from  thens,  to  thentent  thay  shulde  be 
the  more  redy  and  the  better- wele  willed  to  doo  hym  service  here- 
aftre  ;  and  undre  colour  thereof  they  went  to  Burton,  and  sithen 
to  Darby,  for  to  gadre  more  people  unto  theym,  to  enforce  theym 
self  ayeinst  the  king  in  all  that  they  couthe  or  myght  soo  ever, 
continually  using  theire  accustumed  fals  dissimilacion. 

In  this  season,  the  king  undrestonding  that  the  commocion  in 
meoving  of  people  in  Richemond  shire  by  the  stirring  of  the  lorde 
Scrope  and  othere,  sent  by  the  saide  due  and  erle  there  for  that 
cause  with  many  lettres,  his  highness  sent  into  Northomerland 
and  Westmoreland  to  arredie  certein  felaship  to  a  filowed  *  uppon 
theym  if  they  had  com  forwarde,  and  to  therle  that  tyme  of 
Northomerland,  nowe  markes  Mowntague,  with  his  felaship,  to 
have  countred  theym  in  theire  faces,  thay  that  understanding  and 
havyng  tithinges  also  [of]  the  kinges  victorie,  and,  as  divers  gentil- 
men  of  that  felaship  saide,  thinkyng  by  the  maner  of  the  saide  erle 
of  Warrewike  writing  sent  thidre  in  his  own  name  oonly,  to 
arreise  the  people,  that  theire  stirring  shulde  be  ayenst  the  king,  and 
fering  his  spedy  comyng  unto  thei3  parties  with  his  oost,  left  theire 
gadering,  and  satt  still. 

The  friday  the  xvj.  day  of  Marche,  the  king  com  to  Newerke, 
and  the  setyrday,  as  the  king  was  towardes  Horebake,  there  com 
to  hym  from  the  saide  due  and  erle  RuiFord  and  Herry  Wrotesley, 
and  with  theym  brought  pleasaunte  writinges,  dissimiling  eftsonej 
that  thay  wolde  com  to  hym  at  Ratforde.  The  king  delivered  theym 
the  same  day,  the  xvij.  of  Marche;  and  on  sonday  the  king  sent 
garter  king  of  arme3  with  ij.  prive  scale}  of  summons  to  theym, 
that  tyme  being  at  Chestrefelde,  commaunding  theym  to  com  to 

*  i.  e.  have  followed. 


theire  aunswere  and  declaracion  upon  suche  thinges  as  theforsaide 
captayns  of  Linccolneshire  had  accused  theym  of,  as  apperethe  by 
the  same  seide  summons,  (20)  whereof  the  tenure  filowethe. 

"  Brothere,  we  ben  enfourmed  by  sir  Robert  Welles,  and  othere, 
how  ye  labowred  contrarie  to  naturalle  kyndenes  and  dutie  of  lige- 
aunce  divers  matiers  of  grete  poise ;  and  also  how  proclamations 
have  be  made  in  your  name  and  owre  cosyn  of  Warrewike  to  as- 
semble oure  liege  people,  noo  mencion  made  of  us.     Furthermore, 
letres  missive  sent  in  like  maner  for  like  cause.     How  be  it  we 
woUe  foryete  that  to  us  perteynethe.     And  that  is  to  calle  you  to 
your  declaracion  on  the  same,  and  to  receyve  you  therunto,  if  ye 
woUe  com  as  fittethe  a  liege  man  to  com  to  his  soveraigne  lorde  in 
humble  wise.     And  if  ye  soo  doo,  indifiference  and  equite  shalbe  by 
us  wele  remembred,  and  soo  as  no  resonable  man  goodly  disposed 
shalle  move  thinke  but  that  we  shalle  entrete  you  according  to  your 
nyghenes  of  oure  bloode  and  oure  lawe}.    Wherfore,  our  disposicion 
thus  playnly  to  you  declared,  we  wolle  and  charge  you,  upon  the 
feithe  and  trouthe  that  ye  naturelly  owe  to  here  unto  us,  and  upon 
payne  of  your  ligeaunce,  that  ye,  departing  your  felaship,  in  alio 
hast  aftre  the  sight  herof  addresse  you  to  our  presence,  humbly 
and  mesurably  accompayned,  and  soo  as  it  is  convenient  for  the 
cause  abovesaid,  lating  you  wite  if  ye  soo  do  not,  but  contynue 
that  unlefuU  assemble  of  our  people  in  perturbacion  and  contempe 
of  our  peas  and  commandement,  we  most  procede  to  that  we  were 
lothe  to  doo,  to  the  punyshement  of  you,  to  the  grevous  example  of 
alle  othere  our  subgettes,  uppon  the  which  if  there  filowe  eny  efFu- 
cion  of  Christen  bloode  of  our  subgettes  of  this  our  realme,  we  take 
God,  our  blissed  Lady,  saynt  George,  and  all  the  saintes  to  our 
wittenesse  that  ye  be  oonly  to  be  charged  with  the  same,  and  not 
we.   Yeven  undre  our  signet,  at  Newerke,  the  xvij.  day  of  Marche, 
the  X.  yere  of  our  reign.''     And  a  like  letre,   undre  prive  seale, 
was  sent  to  the  erle  of  Warrewike. 

The  sonday  the  xviij.  day  of  Marche,  the  king  com  to  Don- 
castre,  where  com  to  hym  from  the  saide  due  and  erle  a  chapleyn 


of  the  saide  erle}  called  maister  Richarde,  bryngyng  pleasaunt 
letres  from  theym,  signefyeing  in  the  begynyng  of  his  message, 
that  thay  wolde  com  humbly  to  the  king ;  but  the  conclucion  was 
that,  or  thay  shulde  com,  thay  wolde  have  suretie  for  they  me  and 
theire  felaship,  with  pardonne}  for  theym  and  alle  the  lordes  and 
othere  that  had  take  theire  partie ;  wherunto  the  king  aunswered, 
that  of  late,  in  trust  of  theire  hede*  demeanyng  he  had  graunted 
theym  his  pardon,  and  at  theire  ins  tans  and  pray  our  made  it 
extended  to  asmoche  ferrer  day  then  he  had  furst  graunted  it; 
and  therefore,  and  the  writing  and  message}  to  his  highnes  sent 
byfore  remembred,  he  mervailed  that  thay  delaied  theire  comyng, 
and  sent  eny  suche  message}  for  theire  excuse},  and  sithe  his 
highnes  had  sent  his  forsaide  summons  by  the  saide  garter,  his 
highnes  supposed  to  have  worde  from  theym  the  same  nyght  of 
theire  comyng,  and  for  that  his  saide  entent  shulde  more  clerely 
appere  unto  theym,  he  wolde  send  to  theym  of  newe  his  prive 
scale}  of  his  saide  sumons ;  as  soo  he  dide  by  the  saide  maister 
Richarde,  chargeing  hym  to  deliver  theym  to  the  seide  due  and 

The  monday  the  xix.  day  of  Marche,  before  noon,  come  ayene 
from  the  saide  due  and  erle  unto  the  king  at  Doncastre  the  saide 
RufFord,  and  with  hym  sir  William  Pare,  (21)  with  letres  creden- 
ciales,  the  credence  in  efFecte  conteynyng  the  saide  message 
that  the  saide  maister  Richarde  had  brought  on  sonday  afore, 
expressing  that  they  wolde  not  onlesse  then  they  myght  have 
suretie}  of  theire  comyng,  abiding,  and  departing,  to  have  the 
kinges  pardon  in  fourme  afore  rehersed,  whiche  suretie  shulde 
have  be  that  the  king  shuld  have  be  sworne  to  theym  solemply 
and  theruppon  they  to  be  sworne  unto  hym  ayein ;  wherunto  the 
king,  aftre  advise  and  assent  taken  with  alle  his  lordes  and  noble- 
men being  there  with  hym,  openly,  thay  being  present,  aunswered, 
that  he  wolde  use  and  entreate  theym  as  a  souveragne  lord  owethe 
to  use  and  entreate  his  subgettes,  for  his  auncient  enemye}  of 

•  So  MS. 


France  wolde  not  desire  so  large  a  suretie  for  their  comyng  to  his 
rialle  presens ;  and  he  doubt  it  not  but  it  was  wele  in  theire  re- 
membraunce  how  he  of  late  had  graunted  theym  his  pardonne, 
and  sithe  that  what  insurreccions  and  rebellions  were  in  his  shire 
of  Linccolne  comitted  ayenst  hym  and  the  common  wele  of  his  lande, 
and  as  his  highnesse  hathe  knowlage  by  the  confessions  of  sir 
Robert  Welles  called  grete  capteigne  of  Linccolneshire,  Waryn 
capteyn  of  the  fotemen,  and  other,  they  were  styrers  and  provokers 
and  causers  of  the  same ;  and  if  he  shulde  be  to  liberalle  of  his 
pardonne,  considering  the  hanyous  accusacions,  and  thay  not  harde 
what  they  couth  say  for  their  declaracions,  it  shulde  be  to  perlioux 
and  to  evel  example  to  alle  other  his  subgettes  in  like  case,  and  to 
gret  an  unsurtie  to  his  personne  and  comon  wele  of  his  realme ; 
whiche  meaved  his  highnej  to  telle  theym  his  aunswere},  and  if 
they  couthe  have  a  declared  theym  self,  and  shewed  the  saide 
accusacions  van  and  untrue,  he  wolde  have  be  therewith  as 
gladde  as  theym  self,  and  so  have  taken  theym  in  his  grace  and 
favour.  And  thoughe  thay  couthe  not  so  have  doon,  yit  his 
highnesse  wolde  not  have  forgoten  the  nyghnesse  of  blode  which 
they  were  of  to  hym,  ne  the  olde  love  and  alFeccion  whyche  of 
long  tym  he  had  borne  to  theym,  but  wolde  have  mynistred  to 
theym  rightwisseness  with  favour  and  pite.  And  where  sedi- 
cious  langage}  have  be  shewen,  as  it  is  saide,  by  theire  meanes  in 
the  northe  partie}  and  elle}  where  to  stir  his  subgettes  ayeinst  hym, 
in  that  he  wolde  not  abide  by  his  saide  pardon  late  graunted,  if 
thay  or  eny  other  knyght  withinne  his  saide  realme  would  soo 
say,  he  wolde  in  his  own  personn,  as  j  knyght,  make  it  goode 
uppon  hym  that  he  saide  falsly  and  untruly ;  and  furthermore,  he 
bad  the  saide  sir  William  and  Rufford  say  to  the  saide  due  and 
erle,  that  if  thay  wolde  com  to  his  presence,  according  to  his 
saide  summons,  he  wolde  therewith  be  plesed;  and  if  thay  ne 
wold,  but  refused  so  to  do,  he  wolde  repute,  take,  and  declare 
theym,  as  reason  wolde,  aftre  as  theire  demerites,  obstinacy,  and 
unnaturelle  demeanyng  required,  and  charged  the  saide  sir  William 


Parre  and  Rufford,  that  sith  they  were  gentilmen  borne  of  his 
realme,  if  they  self  ^  theym  of  such  contumacy,  they  then  shulde 
leve  theym  and  com  to  hym,  according  to  theire  duty  and  Ugeance, 
and  to  yeve  hym'^  assistence  ayenst  theym,  and  that  thay  shulde 
give  ^  like  charge  to  all  other  knyghtes,  swiers,  and  other  subgettes 
being  there  with  the  saide  due  and  erle  to  do  the  same,  upon  the 
payne  of  ligeance ;  wheruppon  the  saide  sir  William  Par  and 
RufFord,  fering  that  they  shuld  not  be  sufFred  to  opyn  the  kinges 
commandment,  humbly  besought  the  kinges  gode  grace  that  it 
might  please  the  same  to  send  an  officer  of  armes  with  theym  to 
doo  it^  as  he  soo  did,  sendyng  with  theym  Marche,  oon  of  his  kinges 
of  arme3 . 

The  monday  nyght,  whan  his  message  was  commen  to  the  saide 
due  and  erle  at  Chestrefelde,  they,  taking  noo  regarde  therunto, 
but  presumptuosly  refusing  by  the  same  obstinacy,  withdrew 
theymself  and  their  felliship  into  Loncastre  shire,  trusting  there  to 
have  encresing  their  strenghe}  and  by  the  comforthe  that  thay 
shulde  have  had  there,  and  oute  of  Yorkshire  to  [have]  assembled 
so  gret  a  puyssaunce  that  thay  might  have  be  able  to  have  fought 
with  the  kinges  highnes  in  plein  felde. 

The  tewsday,  in  the  mornyng,  the  king,  uncerteined  how  they 
wolde  demean  theym  upon  the  saide  summons  and  message, 
addressed  hym  self  to  the  felde,  and  there  put  his  hoole  oast  in  ^ 
noble  ordre  of  bataille,  awowching  his  baner  towardes  Chestrefelde, 
undrestonding  noon  othere  but  that  thay  [should]  be  there,  and  then 
their  aforeryders  were  com  to  Rotherham  to  take  theire  lod[ging], 
therefore  the  night  filowing  he  came  to  Rotherham,  where  he 
loged  [that  ny]ght,  and  there  had  certeyn  tidinges  of  their  departing, 
and  that  knawlege  had  [for  as  mo]che  as  it  was  thought  by  his 
highnes,  his  lordes,  and  other  noble  [men  there  bei]ng with  hym,  that 
he  might  not  conveniently  p  [roceed]  with  soo  [great  an]  host,  for 
that  the  saide  due  and  erle,  with  their  felaship  [had  consum]ed  the 
[vitaile]  afore  hym,  and  the  contrey  afore  hym  self  wa     .     .     not 

»  So  apparently  the  MS.  q.  found  ?  •»  MS.  them.  e  j/^_  jf^  d  j^jg^  and. 


able  to  susteyn  so  gret  an  oost  as  the  kinges  highnesse  had 
with  him  withowt  a  newe  refresshing ;  the  king  for  that  cause,  and 
for  that  he  shulde  he  betwene  them  and  the  strongest  of  the 
north  parte,  wheruppon  thay  hoped  and  wolde  have  beene  fayne 
joyned  with,  addressed  hym  with  his  saide  oost  towardes  his 
citie  of  Yorke,  fully  determyned  there  to  have  refresshed  and 
vitailed  his  saide  oast,  and  so  vitailed  to  have  entered  into  Lanc- 
eastreshire  that  wey,  and  there,  if  they  wold  have  biden,  to  have 
recountred  theire  malice;  and  that  night  he  loged  at  his  castelle  of 
Powmfrett;  and  from  thens  the  next  day,  thursday  the  xxij.  day 
of  Marche,  he  cam  to  his  saide  citie  of  Yorke.  And  at  Yorke 
the  king  taried  friday,  (23)  Saturday,  sonday,  and  monday  the 
xxvj.  day  of  Marche,  esta[blishing]  suche  rule}  and  direccions 
as  were  and  might  be  for  the  surtie  of  alle  the  northe  partic} 
and  for  sufficient  provicion  of  vitaile  for  his  oost  for  thaccom- 
plishing  of  his  pourpose  into  Lanccastreshire.  And  there  com 
to  the  king  the  lorde  Scrope  (24),  sir  John  Conyers  (25),  yong 
Hilyard  of  Holdrenes  (26),  and  other,  which  had  laboured,  spe- 
cially provoced,  and  stirred  the  people  in  thie}  partie}  to  have 
[made]  commocion  ayeinst  the  king,  wherinne  they  frely  submitted 
them  to  the  kinges  grace  and  mercy,  and  humbly  by  sought 
hym  of  his  pardone  and  grace  ;  and  also  of  ther  fre  wille}, 
unconstreyned  and  undesired,  they  clerely  confessed  that  so  to 
make  commocions  they  were  specially  laboured  and  desired  by  the 
saide  due  and  erle,  th[r]  oughe  theire  writing  and  messages,  by  their 
own  servauntes  deUvered  and  opened,  and  at  they  shulde  [have] 
assembled  as  many  as  they  couthe  have  made  in  thie}  partie},  and 
have  drawen  to  Rotherham,  and  there  to  have  countred  the  king, 
and  to  have  doon  asmuche  as  in  them  had  been  to  have  distressed 
hym  and  his  ost ;  which  alle  they  afFermed  to  be  true  by  theire 
othe},  solemply  made  upon  the  blissed  sacrament,  and  by  they[m] 
receyved  upon  the  same.  And  the  said  late  sir  Robert  Welle}, 
Waryn,  and  other,  confessed  pleinly  at  theire  dethe}  taking  afore  the 
multitude  of  the  kinges  oost  at  Donccastre,  that  they  were  specially 

CAMD.  see.  C 


laboured,  provoked,  and  stirred,  by  writing  and  messaige3  sent  to 
theym  from  the  saide  due  and  erle,and  by  their  servauntes  delyvered, 
that  they  shuld  have  comen  to  Leycestre,  and  there  have  joyned 
with  theym,  and  not  to  have  countred  the  king,  but  to  have 
suiFred  hym  to  have  passed  northwardes  to  thentent  that  *  soo  the 
saide  duo  and  erle,  and  they,  with  theire  powers  soe  joyned,  myght 
have  been  betwen  the  king  and  the  southe  parties,  and  enclosed 
hym  betwixt  theym  and  the  power  of  the  northe,  to  the  likly 
uttur  and  finalle  distruccion  of  his  rialle  person,  and  the  subversion 
of  alle  the  land,  and  the  common  wele  of  the  same. 

»  In  MS.  that  he. 


(1.)  The  king's  pardon.  "  This  yere,  soone  after  Alhalowe  tyde,  proclamacyons  were 
made  thorough  the  cytie  of  London,  that  the  kynge  had  pardoned  the  Northym  men 
of  theyr  riot,  and  as  well  for  the  deth  of  the  lorde  Ryvers,  as  all  displeasures  by  theym 
before  that  tyme  done."    Fabyan's  London  Chronicle. 

(2.)  Sir  Robert  Welles.  Very  few  particulars  are  on  record  respecting  this  captain 
of  the  rebels,  whom  it  is  impossible  not  to  regard  as  having  been,  in  some  measure, 
the  victim  of  filial  duty.  He  was  the  only  son  of  his  parents,  who  are  noticed  in  Note  4. 
He  had  married  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  John  Bourchier  lord  Berners  ;  she  made  her  will 
on  the  10th  October  following  her  husband's  death,  and  therein  bequeathed  her  body  to 
be  buried  in  the  church  of  the  Friars  at  Doncaster,  where  that  of  her  husband  lay 
interred.  As  they  had  no  children,  the  inheritance  devolved  on  his  sister  Joane,  the  wife 
of  Richard  Hastings  esquire,  brother  to  William  lord  Hastings,  lord  chamberlain  ;  which 
Richard  was  afterwards  summoned  to  Parliament  as  lord  Welles. 

(3.)  Ranly  JSawe.  The  principal  estates  of  the  family  of  Welles  were  the  manors  of 
Hellowe,  Aby,  Welle,  and  Alford,  in  the  county  of  Lincoln,  in  the  first  of  which  they 
also  possessed  the  advowson  of  the  free  chapel  of  Wellys.  (Act  19  Hen.  VII.)  By  con- 
sulting the  map  of  Lincolnshire,  the  town  of  Alford  will  be  found  near  the  eastern  coast, 
and  the  other  places  mentioned  in  its  immediate  vicinity.  Ranby,  where  sir  Robert 
Welles  mustered  his  forces,  is  about  fifteen  miles  east  of  Alford,  and  towards  the  city  of 
Lincoln  ;  to  which  city  he  afterwards  marched,  and  thence  to  Grantham,  as  noticed  in 
more  than  one  passage  of  the  present  narrative.  The  commencement  of  the  rebellion  is 
thus  described  in  Warkworth's  Chronicle  :  "  In  the  moneth  of  March,  the  lorde  Willowby, 
the  lorde  Welles  his  sonne,  Thomas  de  la  Lend  knyght,  and  sere  Thomas  Dymmoke 
knyght  the  kynges  champyon,  droff  out  of  Lyncolnschyre  sere  Thomas  a  Burghe,  a  knyght 
of  the  kynges  howse,  and  pullede  downe  his  place,  and  toke  alle  the  comons  of  the  shyre, 
to  the  nowmbre  of  xxx.mI.,  and  cryed,  Kynge  Henry!  and  refused  kynge  Edwarde.'*  Sir 
Thomas  Burgh  was  obnoxious  to  the  partizans  of  Warwick,  because,  in  conjunction  with 
sir  William  Stanley,  he  had  recently  assisted  king  Edward  in  escaping  from  durance  at 
Middleham  Castle.  He  resided  in  the  ancient  manor-house  of  Gainsborough,  which  he 
partly  rebuilt ;  but  it  does  not  appear  probable  that  the  rebels  went  so  far  north. 

(4.)  Richard  lord  Welles  had  married  Joane  daughter  and  heir  of  Robert  lord 
Willoughby  of  Eresby,  who  died  in  1462,  by  his  first  wife  Elizabeth  Montacute, 
daughter  of  John  earl  of  Salisbury.     (Collectanea  Topogr.  et  Geneal.  vii.  155.)    Thus  it 


will  be  found  that  the  earl  of  Warwick  and  sir  Robert  Welles  (the  Lincolnshire 
"  captain  ")  were  second-cousins,  John  earl  of  Salisbury  having  been  the  great-grand- 
father of  both.  There  had  also  been  another  connection  between  the  families  of  Neville 
and  Willoughby  ;  for  sir  Thomas  Neville,  one  of  the  earl  of  Warwick's  younger  brothers 
(he  was  slain  at  the  battle  of  Wakefield  in  1460),  had  married  Maud  dowager  lady 
Willoughby,  the  second  wife  of  Robert,  and  cousin  and  co-heir  of  Ralph  lord  Cromwell, 
lord  treasurer.  She  survived  to  the  30th  Aug.  1497.  In  consequence  of  his  marriage, 
sir  Richard  Welles  was  summoned  to  parliament  during  his  father's  lifetime,  by  writ 
directed  "  Ricardo  Welles  de  Willoughby  militi,"  from  the  26th  May,  1455.  His  father, 
Lionel  lord  Welles,  K.G.  was  slain  at  the  battle  of  Towton  in  1461,  fighting  on  the  Lan- 
castrian side,  and  was  consequently  attainted  ;  but  the  son  was  restored  in  blood  in  1468 
(Nicolas 's  Synopsis  of  the  Peerage),  and  then  became  entitled  to  the  barony  of  Welles, 
which  was  of  older  date  than  that  of  Willoughby.  By  an  act  passed  in  the  parliament 
of  1475  Richard  Welles  late  of  Hellowe  in  the  countie  of  Lincolne  knyght,  Robert  Welles 
of  the  same  place  knyght,  and  Thomas  Delalaunde  late  of  Horblyng  in  the  same  shire 
knyght,  were  declared  attainted  of  high  treason,  for  the  present  rebellion.  (Rot.  Pari, 
vol.  vi.  p.  144.)  The  attainder  of  the  two  Welles,  father  and  son,  was  reversed  in  the  first 
parliament  of  Henry  VII.  (Ibid.  286.)  It  may  here  be  noticed  that  the  author  of 
Heame's  Fragment  was  under  a  misapprehension  when  he  wrote,  "  And  anon  there- 
upon the  lord  Welles  (that  had  married  Margaret  duchess  of  Somerset)  began  a  new 
commotion  in  Lincolnshire  ;"  for  that  had  been  a  second  marriage  made  by  his  father, 
Lionel.  It  was  to  John,  the  son  of  that  marriage,  that  Henry  the  Seventh  gave  the  lady 
Cecily  Plantagenet,  his  queen's  sister,  together  with  the  dignity  of  a  viscount  and  the  order 
of  the  garter,  he  being  the  king's  uncle,  viz.  half-brother,  ex  parte  matemd,  of  Margaret 
countess  of  Richmond. 

(5.)  Sir  Tliomas  DymmoJcey  of  Scrivelsby,  son  of  sir  Philip  who  officiated  as  champion  at 
the  coronation  of  king  Henry  VI.,  had  married  Margaret,  daughter  of  Lionel  lord 
Welles  by  his  first  wife  Joane  daughter  and  heir  of  sir  Robert  Waterton  :  and  was  thus 
implicated  with  his  brother-in-law  and  nephew.  He  was  not,  however,  included  in  their 
subsequent  attainder. 

(6.)  The  hinges  privy  seals.  Polydore  Vergil  (Camden  Society's  edition,  p.  127) 
represents  that  lord  Welles  and  sir  Thomas  Dymmoke  had  taken  sanctuary  at  Westminster  ; 
that  "  king  Edward  gave  his  faith  and  promise  for  their  safeties,  and  called  them  out  of 
sanctuary."  Afterwards,  when  the  king  beheaded  them,  the  same  historian  remarks  that 
it  was  **  contrary  to  faith  and  promise  given,  and  to  the  worst  example  that  might  be." — 
After  perusing  the  present  narrative,  it  may  be  fairly  questioned  whether  this  statement, 
which  is  that  adopted  by  most  subsequent  writers,  is  not  exaggerated  in  some  of  the 
attendant  circumstances. 

(7.)  Lord  Cromwell.  This  was  Humphrey  Bourchier,  third  son  of  Henry  earl  of 
Essex,  by  Isabel  daughter  of  Richard  of  Coningsburgh  earl  of  Cambridge,  king  Edward's 


grandfather.  Having  married  Joane  Stanhope,  neice  and  co-heir  of  Ralph  lord  Cromwell, 
of  Tattershall,  he  was  summoned  to  parliament  by  that  title  in  1461.  It  is  not  to  be 
supposed  that  he  had  any  concern  in  the  rebellion.  He  died  the  next  year  at  Bamet 
field,  fighting  on  the  side  of  the  king,  his  cousin. 

(8.)  Tattershall,  lord  Cromwell's  castle,  was  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  insur- 
rection. The  remaining  tower,  built  by  the  lord  treasurer  Cromwell  temp.  Hen.  VI.  is  a 
remarkably  fine  specimen  of  brick  architecture,  views  of  which  will  be  found  in  Britten's 
Architectural  Antiquities,  and  elsewhere  ;  and  its  chimney-pieces,  curiously  carved  with 
heraldic  insignia  and  lord  treasurer's  purses,  are  represented  in  Gough's  Sepulchral 
Monuments,  and  in  Weir's  Homcastle. 

(9.)  Commissions.  These  commissions  had  been  prepared  the  day  before,  being  dated 
"  Apud  Waltham  Abbatis  septimo  die  Martii. "  They  were  addressed,  1 .  to  George  duke 
of  Clarence,  Richard  earl  of  Warwick  and  Salisbury,  sir  Walter  Senile,  Richard  Crofte 
senior,  Thomas  Throgmerton,  Thomas  Everton,  and  Thomas  Lygon,  for  the  county  of 
Worcester  ;  and  2.  to  George  duke  of  Clarence,  Richard  earl  of  Warwick  and  Salisbury, 
sir  Thomas  Ferrers,  sir  Simon  Mountford,  sir  William  Catesby,  sir  Richard  Vemey,  sir 
John  Greyville,  Thomas  Burdyt,  Thomas  Hygford,  John  Hygford,  Henry  Botyller,  Thomas 
Muster,  and  John  West,  for  the  county  of  Warwick  ;  and  are  printed  from  the  Patent 
Rolls  in  Rymer,  xi.  652. 

(10.)  Fotheringay,  This,  as  is  well  known,  was  a  royal  castle,  and  at  this  time  was 
one  of  the  customary  residences  of  Cecily  duchess  of  York,  the  king's  mother.  The 
bodies  of  Richard  duke  of  York  and  his  second  son  Edmund  earl  of  Rutland  had  been 
brought  hither  from  Pontefract,  and  re-interred  with  great  pomp  on  the  22nd  July,  1466, 
the  king  and  duke  of  Gloucester  being  present. 

(11.)  Confessions.  The  confession  of  sir  Robert  Welles  was  published  in  the  Excerpta 
Historica,  1831  ;  but  its  close  relation  to  the  present  narrative  will  justify  its  repetition 
here  :— 

Confession  of  Sir  Robert  Welles, 
(MS.  Harl.  283,  f.  2.) 

"  Aboute  Candelmasse  last,  a  chapelein  of  my  lordes  of  Clarence,  called  maister  John 
Bamby,  and  with  him  sir  John  Clare,  prestes,  came  to  my  lord  my  fadir  and  me  to 
Hellow,  with  letres  of  credence  yeven  to  the  sayd  maister  Johan,  which  he  opned  in  this 
wyse :  that  my  lorde  of  Warwike  was  at  London  with  the  kinge,  wherupon  for  thaire 
bothe  suerties  he  praied  us  in  bothe  thaire  names  to  be  redy  with  alle  the  felaship  we  couth 
or  might  make  and  assemble  of  the  comons,  what  tyme  so  ever  my  sayd  lord  of  Clarence 
shuld  send  us  word.  Nathelesse  he  willed  us  to  tary,  and  nott  stur,  to  suche  time  as  my 
lord  of  Warwike  were  come  agayne  from  London,  for  doubte  of  his  destruccion.    And 


anone  after  my  lorde  of  Clarence  sent  me  a  patent  of  the  stewerdship  of  Cawlesby  in 
Lincolnshire  by  the  saide  sir  John  Clare. 

"  The  cause  of  oure  grete  risinge  at  this  time  was  grounded  upon  this  noise  raisid 
amonges  the  people,  that  the  kinge  was  coming  downe  (and  with  him  sir  Thomas  Bo- 
rogh*),  with  grete  power,  into  Lincolnshire,  where  the  kinges  jugges  shulde  sitte,  and 
hang  and  draw  grete  noumbre  of  the  comons.  Wherfore,  with  as  many  as  we  might 
make  be  alle  meanes  possible,  we  came  to  Lincolne  upon  the  Tuseday  ;  and  upon  theWenes- 
day  a  servaunt  of  my  said  lord  of  Clarence,  called  Walter  ,  yoman  of  his  chawmbre,  by 
his  commaundment,  told  us  the  same,  and  that  the  gentilmen  of  the  centre  shuld  passe 
upon  us  in  such  wyse  that  nedely  gret  multitud  must  dye  of  the  comons  ;  therupon 
desiring  us  to  arise  and  precede  in  oure  purpose,  as  we  loved  ourselfes.  And  for  that  my 
lord  my  fadir  was  att  London,  and  peraventure  shuld  there  be  endaungered,  which  he  ne 
wold,  for  that  cause  him  self  wold  go  to  London  to  help  excuse  my  sayd  lord  my  fadir, 
and  to  delaye  the  kinges  coming  forth. 

"  The  said  Walter  ,  servaunt  of  my  lorde  of  Clarence,  went  with  me  to  the 

feld,  and  toke  grete  parte  of  guiding  of  our  boost,  nott  departing  from  the  same  to  the 
end.  And  afore  that,  as  sone  as  I  came  to  Lincolne,  I  sent  sir  John  Clare  to  my  lord  of 
Warwike,  to  have  understanding  from  him  how  he  wold  have  us  guidid  forthwardes  ;  but, 
for  us  semed  he  taried  long,  we  sent  hastily  after  him  oon  John  Wright,  of  Lincolne,  for 
the  same  cause  ;  and  thereupon  I  departed  with  oure  boost  towardes  Grantham  ;  and  in 
the  way,  aboute  Temple  Brewere,  sir  John  Clare  mett  with  me,  saing  of  my  lord  of  War- 
wikes  behalfe,  that  he  grett  us  welle,  and  bad  us  be  of  gode  comforth,  for  he  and  my  said 
lord  of  Clarence  wold  araise  alle  the  peple  they  couth  in  alle  hast,  and  come  towardes  us, 
and  utterly  take  suche  parte  as  we  shuld  take,  saing  over,  that  he  saw  my  sayd  lord  of  War- 
wike lay  his  hand  on  a  boke  that  he  wold  so  do.  And  so  the  said  sir  John  Clare  often 
times  declared  aforn  the  peple. 

"  The  Sunday  after  came  John  Wright  to  Grantham,  and  broght  me  a  ring  from  my  said 
lord  of  Warwike,  and  desired  me  to  go  forward,  bidding  me  and  us  alle  be  of  gode  com- 
fort, for  he  was  in  araising  alle  that  he  might  make,  and  wold  be  at  Leycestre  on  Monday 
night  with  xx.  Ml.  men,  and  joyne  with  us.  Wherefore  he  willed  me  to  suffre  the  felaship 
that  came  with  the  king  fro  by  south  to  passe  northwardes,  and  yeve  him  the  way,  to 
th'entent  he  and  we  might  be  betwix  them  and  the  south. 

"  Also,  when  my  lord  my  fadir  went  to  London,  he  charged  me  that  if  I  understode 
him  att  eny  tyme  to  be  in  jupartye,  I  shuld  with  alle  that  I  might  make  come  to  socoure 

*'  Also,  my  lord  of  Clarence  servaunt  Walter  ,  that  cam  to  us  to  Lincolne, 

stured  and  meved  often  times  our  boost,  and  in  many  places  of  the  same,  that  att  such 
tyme  as  the  matir  shuld  come  nerre  the  point  of  batelle  they  shuld  calle  upon  my  lord  of 
Clarence  to  be  king,  and  to  distroye  the  kinge  that  so  was  aboute  to  distroye  them  and 
alle  the  realme :   so  ferforthly  that,  at  such  tyme  as  the  king  was  beforne  us  in  the  feld  he 

*  These  words  are  erased  with  a  pen. 


toke  a  spere  in  his  hand,  and  said  he  wold  therwith  as  frely  renne  agains  the  king  as 
agains  his  and  his  maister's  mortalle  enemy. 

**  Also,  I  have  welle  understand  by  many  mesagges,  as  welle  fro  my  lord  of  Clarence  as 
of  Warwike,  that  they  entended  to  make  grete  risinges,  as  forforthly  as  ever  I  couth  under- 
stand, to  th'entent  to  make  the  due  of  Clarence  king  :  and  so  it  was  oft  and  largely  noised 
in  our  hoost. 

"  Also,  I  say  that  ne  had  beene  the  said  due  and  erles  provokinges,  we  at  this  tyme 
wold  ne  durst  have  maid  eny  commocion  or  sturing,  but  upon  there  comfortes  we  did 
that  we  did. 

"  Also,  I  say  that  I  and  my  fadir  had  often  times  lettres  of  credence  from  my  said  lordes 
of  Clarence  and  Warwike,  of  thankinges  for  our  devoires,  and  praied  us  to  continue  our 
gode  hertes  and  willes  to  the  above  sayd  purpose.  One  that  broght  fro  my  lord  of 
Clarence  was  called  William  Uwerke  ;  oone  that  broght  lettres  from  my  lord  of  Warwike 
was  called  Philip  Strangways  ;  *  of  the  other  I  remembre  nott  the  names.  The  credence  in 
substance  rested  onely  in  this,  yevyng  of  thankes,  praing  to  continue,  and  to  sture  and 
meve  the  peple  to  do  the  same  ;  which  lettres  be  to  be  broght  forth." 

(12.)  PHor  of  saint  Johannes.  Sir  John  Longstrother,  bailiff  of  the  Eagle  and 
seneschal  of  the  reverend  the  high  master  of  Rhodes,  was  elected  prior  of  the  hospital  of 
saint  John  of  Jerusalem  in  England,  in  the  year  1469,  and  swore  fealty  to  king  Edward 
on  the  18th  November  that  year,  and  again  to  king  Henry  on  the  20th  Oct.  1470;  see 
the  documents  recording  both  ceremonies  in  Rymer,  vol.  xi.  pp.  650,  664,  derived  from 
the  Close  Rolls :  and  repeated  at  p.  670  from  the  Patent  Rolls.  Being  a  zealous  Lan- 
castrian, he  was  on  the  same  day  as  last  mentioned  appointed  treasurer  of  the  exchequer 
(ibid.  665).  On  the  16th  Feb.  following  king  Henry  sent  him  to  conduct  the  queen  and 
prince  from  France  to  England,  and  granted  him  "  of  cure  tresoure  cc.  marc  to  have  of 
oure  yefte  by  way  of  rewarde,  for  his  costs  and  expences  in  that  behalve  "  (ibid.  693) ; 
and  on  the  24th  of  the  same  month,  in  conjunction  with  John  Delves  esquire,  he  was 
appointed  warden  of  the  mint  (ibid.  698.) 

He  returned  out  of  France  with  queen  Margaret  in  April  1471,  being  "  at  that  time 
called  treasurer  of  England  "  (Fleetwood's  MS.);  and  he  was  one  of  those  who  were  be- 
headed after  the  battle  of  Tewkesbury. 

(13.)  At  SairU  Johannes.  That  is,  at  the  preceptory  of  the  order  at  Clerkenwell  near 

(14.)     The  victorie.     The  battle  was  fought  "  at  Empyngham,  in  a  felde  called  Horne- 

*  A  younger  son  of  sir  James  Strangways,  by  Elizabeth,  daughter  and  coheir  of  Philip 
lord  Darcy  and  Meynell.  His  sister  Margaret  had  for  her  second  husband  Richard 
Hastings  lord  Welles  and  Willoughby.  See  the  Collectanea  Topogr.  et  Genealogica, 
ii.  162. 


felde/'  (Act  of  Attainder  of  Richard  Welles,  &c.  14  Edw.  IV.)  "  The  place  where  it 
was  fought,  about  five  miles  north-west  of  Stamford,  near  the  road  to  York,  retains  the 
name  of  Bloody  Oaks  to  this  day.  We  are  told  that  some  of  the  Lancastrians  who  fled 
from  the  battle  threw  off  their  coats,  that  they  might  not  be  incumbered  by  them  in  their 
flight  ;  and  that  the  field  called  Losecote-field,  between  Stamford  and  Little  Casterton, 
which,  by  erroneous  tradition,  has  been  fixed  upon  as  the  field  of  battle,  received  its  name 
from  that  circumstance.  Perhaps  that  was  the  place  where  some  of  them  were  severely 
pressed  by  their  pursuers."     Blore's  History  of  Rutland,  fol.  1811,  p.  142. 

(15.)  His  poor  and  wretched  commons.  Edward's  vindictive  conduct  towards  all  the 
nobility  who  opposed  him  is  conspicuous  throughout  the  history  of  his  reign.  Philip  de 
Comines  alludes  to  his  practice  in  battle  to  call  out  to  spare  the  common  soldiers,  and  kill 
only  the  gentlemen  ;  but  states  that  at  the  battle  of  Barnet  he  did  so  no  more,  having  con- 
ceived a  mortal  hatred  against  the  commons  of  England,  for  the  favour  they  had  mani- 
fested towards  the  Earl  of  Warwick. 

(16.)  Sir  Thomas  Delalande,  of  Horbling  in  Lincolnshire,  was  a  brother-in-law  of  lord 
Welles,  as  well  as  sir  Thomas  Dymmoke,  having  married  his  sister  Katharine.  In  Nicolas 's 
Testamenta  Vetusta  is  the  following  brief  extract  of  a  will.  "  John  De  la  Laund  knight, 
being  very  aged,  this  4th  day  of  Feb.  1465  make  my  will.  My  body  to  be  buried  in  the 
convent  of  the  Augustine  friars,  London.  Thomas  my  son.  Proved  April  4th,  1471." 
This,  therefore,  seems  to  have  been  the  father's  will,  proved  in  consequence  of  the  son's 

Sir  Thomas  is,  however,  termed  a  Gascon  both  by  Olivier  de  la  Marche  and  by  William 
of  Wyrcestre,  in  their  notices  of  the  tournaments  performed  in  London  on  the  visit  of  the 
bastard  of  Burgundy  (see  the  Excerpta  Historica,  1831,  pp.  213,  214).  The  bastard  came 
accompanied  by  sire  Jehan  de  Chassa  and  sir  Philippe  Bouton.  The  bastard  himself  was 
encountered  by  the  lord  Scales  ;  sire  Jehan  de  Chassa  by  Loys  de  Bretailles,  a  Gascon 
esquire,  servant  to  lord  Scales  ;  and  "  on  the  morrow  (says  Olivier  de  la  Marche)  messire 
Philippe  Bouton,  (who  was  chief  esquire  to  the  comte  de  Charoloys,)  did  arms  against  an 
esquire  of  the  king.  This  esquire  was  a  Gascon,  and  was  named  Thomas  de  la  Lande  ; 
and  this  Thomas  was  a  fine  companion,  and  a  good  man."  The  words  of  Wyrcestre  are, 
**  Et  alio  die  sequenti  (it  was  the  15th  June  1467)  congressi  sunt  in  campo  ibidem  equites 
cum  acutis  lanceis  Thomas  de  la  Launde  Gascon'  contra  ....  Boton'  Burgund'  idem- 
que  Thomas  de  la  Launde  magis  audacter  et  honorabiliter  [not  horribiliter,  as  in  the 
Hxcerpta  Historical  se  habuit." 

(17.)  John  Down,  one  of  the  esquires  of  the  1cing''s  body.  This  was  probably  John 
Dwnn,  of  Kydweli,  co.  Carmarthen,  who  married  Elizabeth,  sister  to  William  lord 
Hastings,  the  lord  chamberlain;  and  whose  portrait  and  that  of  his  lady,  both  of  them 
wearing  king  Edward's  livery  collar  of  roses  and  suns,  is  one  of  the  most  curious  pictures 
in  the  duke  of  Devonshire's  collection  at  Chiswick  (and  described  in  the  Gentleman's  Maga- 


zine,  Nov.  1840,  vol.  XIV.  p.  489).  His  brother  Harry  Dwnn  had  fallen  at  the  battle 
of  Banbury;  and  there  was  another  of  the  name  there  killed,  who  is  styled  "  John  Done 
of  Kydwelli "  in  Warkworth's  Chronicle :  but  from  William  of  Worcestre's  list  of  the 
slain,  in  which  that  person  is  described  as  "  Henr.  Don  de  Kedwelly :  filius  Ewin  Don," 
combined  with  the  present  passage,  it  may  probably  be  concluded  that  John  Dwnn  of  Kid- 
welly, whose  father's  name  was  Griffith,  did  not  fall  in  that  battle.  He  is  stated  to  have 
been  buried  at  Windsor,  or  at  Westminster.  (Gent.  Mag.  ubi  supra.) 

(18.)  The  Hng''s  'proclamation  to  this  effect,  dated  at  Stamford  the  13th  of  March,  has 
been  printed,  from  the  Close  Rolls,  in  the  notes  appended  to  Warkworth's  Chronicle, 
p.  52. 

(19.)  Coventry.  This  city,  lying  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  castles  of  Warwick 
and  Kenilworth,  was  a  place  entirely  under  the  control  of  the  earl  of  Warwick.  Here  it 
was  that  earl  Rivers  and  his  son  sir  John  Widville  had  lost  their  lives  ;  and  in  the  same 
neighbourhood  the  king  himself  had  been  seized  and  rendered  a  prisoner  (as  noticed  in 
the  Introduction).  In  order  to  ascertain  whether  the  archives  of  Coventry  contained  any 
record  of  the  commotions  of  the  year  1470,  I  applied  to  Mr.  William  Reader,  who  when 
a  resident  there  devoted  much  time  to  their  investigation,  and  he  has  favoured  me  with 
the  following  document,  which  is  a  royal  mandate,  issued  before  the  king's  departvire 
from  Westminster,  commanding  the  citizens  to  send  their  contingent  to  meet  the  king, 
and  it  is  remarkable  that  the  day  on  which  they  were  appointed  to  meet  him  at  Grantham, 
was  the  same  on  which  the  battle  was  fought  near  Stamford.  Of  course  they  had  not 
reached  him  :  in  all  probability,  their  march  was  altogether  stayed  through  the  influence 
of  the  earl  of  Warwick. 

"  This  lettre  was  brought  to  the  Meyr  [of  Coventry] ,  the  xix.  day  of  Feverer,  late  in  the 
evenyng,  a°.  ix'*. 

"  By  the  Kynge. 

"  Trusty  and  welbyloved,  we  grete  yow  well,  and  for  somuche  as  we  be  acertayned  that 
our  rebelles  and  owtward  enemies  intende  in  haste  tyme  to  aryve  in  thys  our  royaume, 
and  that  certain  our  subgietts,  ther  adherents,  contrary  to  ther  dute  and  legiance,  in  divers 
parties  of  our  lande  arredy  and  assemble  hemselfe  for  the  reteyning  of  our  sayd  ennemies 
and  rebelles,  so  that  yffe  their  malice  be  not  in  briffe  tyme  mightily  withstondon  it  myght 
growe  to  the  grett  juparte  of  us  and  the  destruccion  of  al  our  trew  subgietts,  we  therfor 
with  alle  diligence  fully  dispose  us  by  Goddes  grace  to  go  in  our  own  person  to  resiste 
ther  sayde  malicyows  purpose,  in  the  whiche  it  apperteinith  of  very  ryght  and  duete  to 
every  our  subgietts  to  yeve  on  to  us  ther  assistens  with  bodies  and  godes  ;  wherfore  we 
desire  and  pray  yow,  and  natheles  in  the  straitest  wyse  charge  yow,  that  ye  do  sende  unto, 
us  persones  hable  and  of  power  wel  and  defensibly  arayd  to  labour  in  our  servise  in  suche 
competent  nowmbre  as  ye  may  goodly  beere,  sufficiantly  wagyd  for,  and  that  they  be  with 
us  at  our  town  of  Grantham,  the  xij.  day  of  Marche  next  coming,  to  wayte  apon  us  in 
our  sayd  jornee  ;  and,  over  that,  that  ye  charge  everi  person  beinge  within  your  liberte  or 
franches  having  eny  office  of  our  yefte,  or  of  our  derist  wyfe  the  queue,  for  terme  of  bys 
CAMD.  see.  D 


Ijfe,  wheroff  the  wagis  extende  to  iij^.  by  the  day  or  above,  that  he  com  unto  us  in  his  per- 
sone,  if  he  be  of  power  to  laboure,  or  finde  a  souffisant  man  for  hym  at  the  sayd  day  and 
plase  waged  as  aforne,  and  that  everi  persone  having  moo  offices  than  oon  of  our  grant,  or 
of  our  sayd  wyfe  as  above,  with  lyke  fees  or  wages,  that  for  everi  such  office  he  finde  us  a 
souffisant  man  as  hit  ys  aforesayd,  putting  yow  in  suche  devoir  for  the  premisses  that  we 
may  perceyve  that  ye  tender  the  wele  and  suerte  off  us  and  our  sayde  royaume,  as  ye  wol 
ansuer  unto  us  at  your  perilles.  Yeven  onder  owr  signet,  at  our  Paleys  off  Westminster, 
the  ix.  day  of  Feverer." 

In  pursuance  of  this  letter  twenty  men  were  raised,  and  they  were  made  to  take  the 
following  oath : — 

rTke  MS.  is  torn  here)  that  were  sende  towards  the  kyng  to  Grantam.  I  shall  be  trewe 
[to  the  king  my  sovereign]  lege  lord,  and  truly  abyde  with  hym  at  better  and  werse,  and 
truly  performe  hym  al  manner  [servyce,  and]  not  depart  from  hym  on  to  the  ynde  of  owr 
reteygn,  and  tyll  we  may  com  to  the  kynges  hyghnes  we  shall  duly  attende  and  wayte 
apon  Wyllyam  Shyppey,  the  meyrs  serjant.  I  shan  quarell  with  no  persone  onresonabely 
a  monge  owr  selffe,  but  be  well  rulyd.     So  helpe  me  [God  and]  holydame. 

In  April  following  40  men  were  raised  in  Coventry  at  12d.  a  day,  for  a  month,  to  go 
with  king  Edward  into  the  South,  and  100^.  was  collected  from  the  ten  wards  to  pay  them. 

(20.)  On  Wednesday  the  14th  of  March  the  king  was  at  Stamford,  as  appears  by  two 
documents  in  Rymer,  one  appointing  ambassadors  to  Castillo,  the  other  constituting  John 
earl  of  Worcester  constable  of  England. 

(21.)  The  Mng's  summons  to  the  duke  of  Clarence.  This  letter  of  summons  has 
been  printed  by  sir  Henry  Ellis  in  his  Second  Series  of  Original  Letters,  vol.  i.  p.  138, 
from  a  copy  by  Stowe  in  the  MS.  Harl.  543  ;  but,  as  it  there  immediately  follows  a  letter 
which  Clarence  and  Warwick  sent  out  of  France,  the  editor  was  misled  to  attribute  its 
date  to  the  period  of  their  return  from  that  country. 

(22.)  Sir  William  Parr  was  a  knight  of  the  garter  and  comptroller  of  the  royal 
household  at  the  death  of  Edward  IV.  He  had  married  the  king's  cousin-german,  Eli- 
zabeth daughter  and  coheir  of  Henry  lord  Fitzhugh,  by  Alice  daughter  of  Ralph  earl  of 
Westmerland  and  sister  to  Cecily  duchess  of  York.  His  eldest  son,  sir  Thomas,  was  the 
father  of  queen  Katharine  Parr.  See  further  of  him  in  Davies's  York  Records,  1843,  p.  40. 

(23.)  On  Friday  2Sd  March,  the  king  wrote  from  York  '  *  to  Edmund  Dudley 
Gsquyer,  deputie  lieftenaunt  to  our  cousyn  John  erle  of  Worcestre,  lieftenaunt  of  our 
lord  of  Ireland,  and  to  our  chauncellor  and  counceill  there,"  announcing  that  he  had  dis- 
charged the  duke  of  Clarence  from  the  office  of  lieutenant  of  Ireland,  and  appointed  the 
earl  of  Worcester  thereto  ;  and,  suspecting  that  the  duke  and  the  earl  of  Warwick 
might  repair  to  the  said  land,  requiring  them  to  be  arrested,  and  offering  to  him  that 
took  either  of  them  a  reward  of  1001.  of  land  in  yearly  value,  to  him  and  to  his  heirs,  or 
1000/.  in  ready  money,  at  his  election.     Rymer,  xi.  654. 


On  Saturday  the  24tli  the  king  issued  at  York  the  proclamation  against  the  duke  of 
Clarence  and  earl  of  Warwick,  printed  in  the  notes  to  Warkworth's  Chronicle,  p.  53  ; 
which  was  followed  by  another  dated  at  Nottingham,  the  31st  March,  printed  ibid.  p.  56  ; 
and  also  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Rolls  of  Parliament,  vol.  vi.  p.  233. 

On  the  26th,  the  king,  having  discovered  that  the  duke  and  earl  were  fled  towards 
Devonshire,  directed  commissions  of  array  to  that  and  several  other  of  the  western 
counties  ;  printed  in  Rymer,  xi.  655. 

On  the  last  day  of  March  Edward  had  come  as^  far  southwards  as  Nottingham,  and 
thence  wrote  to  the  mayor,  &c.  of  Salisbury,  announcing  that  he  purposed  to  pursue  the 
rebels  into  the  West,  and  charging  -them  to  provide  a  contingent  for  his  service,  and  provi- 
sions to  entertain  an  army  of  40,000  men  ;  this  is  printed  in  Hatcher's  History  of  Salis- 
bury, (Hoare's  Modern  Wiltshire,)  fol.  1843,  p.  174. 

(24.)  One  of  the  "  Fasten  Letters  "  (vol.  II.  Reign  of  Edward  IV.  Letter  xxxii.) 
which  was  written  from  York  on  the  27th  of  March,  confirms  the  present  narrative,  in 
many  particulars.     It  is  as  follows. 

"To  my  cosyn,  John  Paston. 

"  The  king  camme  to  Grantham  and  there  taried  thoresday  all  day,  and  there  was 
headed  sir  Thomas  Dalalaunde,  and  one  John  Neille,  a  greate  capteyn  ;  and  upon  the 
Monday  nexte  after  that  at  Dancastre,  and  there  was  headed  sir  Robert  Wellys  and 
anothre  greate  capteyn,*  and  than  the  king  hadde  warde  that  the  duke  of  Clarence  and 
the  erle  of  Warwick  was  att  [Ch]esterfeld,f  xx.  mile  from  Dancastre.  And  uppon  the 
tewesday,  at  ix.  of  the  bell,  the  king  toke  the  feld,  and  mustered  his  people,  and  itt  was 
seid  that  were  never  seyn  in  Inglond  so  many  goodly  men  and  so  well  arreiyed  in  a  fild  ; 
and  my  lord  J  was  whorsshupfully  accompanyed,  no  lord  there  so  well ;  wherfor  the  king 
gaffe  my  lord  a  greate  thanke  ;  and  than  the  duke  of  Clarence  and  the  erle  of  Warwike 
harde  that  the  king  was  comyng  to  them-warde,  incontynent  they  departed,  and  wente  to 
Manchestre  in  Lancasshire,  hopyng  to  have  hadde  helpe  and  socour  of  the  lord  Stanley;  § 
but  in  conclusion  there  they  hadde  litill  favor,  as  it  was  enformed  the  king  ;  and  so  men. 

*  Dr.  Miller,  in  his  History  of  Doncaster,  4to.  p.  46,  has  here  appended  a  note  stating 
that  "  this  great  captayn  was  sir  Ralph  Grey  of  York,  who  was  taken  the  year  1463  by 
the  Yorkists  in  the  battle  of  Bamburgh  ;"  but  that  was  a  distinct  occurrence,  which  had 
passed  seven  years  before,  and  is  very  incorrectly  stated  by  Dr.  Miller.  Sir  Ralph  Grey, 
of  Wark  {not  York)  was  captain  of  the  castle  of  Bamborough  for  king  Henry  ;  it  was. 
taken  by  assault  soon  after  the  battle  of  Hexham  in  June  1464,  and  sir  Ralph  was  there- 
upon brought  to  king  Edward,  who  happened  to  be  then  at  Doncaster,  and  forthwith 
beheaded.  See  a  particular  narration  of  these  events,  from  a  MS.  in  the  College  of  Arms, 
in  the  notes  to  Warkworth's  Chronicle,  p.  36. 

•f-  This  place  is  printed  Esterfield,  in  Sir  John  Fenn's  modernised  version  ;  and  was 
conjectured  to  be  Austerfield  by  the  Editor  of  the  12mo.  edition,  in  1841, 

5;  "  I  believe  it  means  John  Mowbray,  duke  of  Norfolk." — Fenn. 

§  Thomas  lord  Stanley  was  lord  steward  of  the  king's  household  (Foedera,  xi,  845).  He 


sayn  they  wente  Westward,  and  som  men  demen  to  London.  And  whan  the  king  harde 
they  wer  departed  and  gone,  he  went  to  York,  and  came  theder  the  thoresday  next  aftre, 
and  there  camme  into  hym  alle  the  gentilmen  of  the  shire  ;  and  uppon  our  Lady  day  made 
Percy  erle  of  Northumberland,f  and  he  that  was  erle  affore  markeys  Muntakew,J  and  the 
king  is  purposed  to  come  Southwarde.  God  send  hym  god  spede.  Writen  the  xxvij.  day 
of  March.  (Signed,  in  place  of  a  name,  thus — )  "for  trowyth." 

It  may  here  be  remarked  that  letter  xxxvi.  of  vol.  IV.  of  the  Paston  Letters  evidently 
belongs  to  this  year,  1470,  and  not  to  1462,  to  which  it  was  assigned  by  the  editor.  It 
was  written  at  Stamford  the  13th  day  of  March,  "  by  youre  sone  and  servant,  John  Paston 
the  older,"  to  John  Paston,  at  the  Inner  Temple,  the  writer  being  then  in  attendance  on 
the  king,  and  charged  to  have  his  horse  and  harness  in  constant  readiness.  Sir  John  Fenn 
imagined  it  was  written  from  a  place  named  Stamford  either  in  Northumberland  or 

(24.)  Lord  Scroj)e,  It  appears  doubtful  whether  this  was  John  lord  Scrope  of  Bolton, 
K.G.  or  Thomas  lord  Scrope  of  Upsal  and  Masham,  who  were  both  living  at  this  period. 
No  other  notice  of  either  of  them  opposing  the  authority  of  king  Edward  has  been  found. 

(25.)  Sir  John  Confers,  of  Hornby  Castle,  co.  York  (afterwards  a  K.G.  in  the  reign 
of  Richard  III.)  had  commanded  the  army  of  Northern  men  which  defeated  the  king's 
friends  at  Edgecote,  near  Banbury,  and  his  eldest  son,  James,  was  killed  in  that  battle  (see 
Warkworth's  Chronicle,  p.  7).  His  wife  was  a  cousin  of  the  earl  of  Warwick,  namely, 
Alice,  daughter  and  coheir  of  William  Neville  lord  Fauconberg,  and  earl  of  Kent. 

(26.)  Young  Billiard  of  Holdreness.  This  was  the  popular  leader  of  the  Northern 
insurrection,  who  was  best  known  by  the  name  of  "  Robin  of  Riddesdale."  His  father, 
sir  William  Hilliard,  or  Hildyard,  had  fallen  on  the  Lancastrian  side  at  the  battle  of 
Towton,  and  the  son  had  probably  been  reared  under  a  forfeiture  of  his  estates,  which  were 
at  Winestead,  near  Pocklington.  From  whence  he  derived  his  popular  name  has  not  been 
ascertained.  Sir  Robert  Hildyard  was  afterwards  knighted  at  the  coronation  of  Richard 
III.  and  was  the  ancestor  of  sir  Robert  Hildyard,  a  colonel  in  the  army  of  Charles  the 
First,  whose  loyalty  was  at  the  Restoration  rewarded  with  a  baronetcy,  which  continued  in 
the  family  to  the  year  1814. 

was  brother-in-law  to  the  earl  of  Warwick,  having  married  lady  Alianor  Neville.  He  was 
afterwards  the  husband  of  Margaret  countess  of  Richmond,  mother  of  king  Henry  VII. 
and  was  created  earl  of  Derby. 

f  "  Herry  Percy  "  had  been  released  from  the  Tower  of  London,  and  had  sworn  fealty  to 
king  Edward  at  Westminster,  on  the  27th  Oct.  1469.  See  the  Memorandum  upon  the 
Close  Rolls  recording  the  ceremony  printed  in  Rymer,  xi.  649. 

X  It  was  at  York  that  sir  John  Neville  had  first  received  the  earldom  of  Northumber- 
land, six  years  before,  in  May  1464.     See  Notes  to  Warkworth's  Chronicle,  p.  36. 

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